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Website visitors should be warned that several of the words, descriptions, and images from Harper’s Weekly are considered racially offensive by today’s standards. The materials are presented in order to give a true historical picture of the leading 19th-century newspaper’s view of black Americans. We at HarpWeek hope this site will serve as a valuable resource which provides an important perspective on the multifaceted history of black Americans,  generates a deeper understanding and respect for the subject, and sparks further interest in its study and discussion.

Photo: Harvard Law School Web Site
Professor Randall Kennedy of Harvard Law School, a well-known scholar on the use of derogatory language in a racial and historic context, has advised HarpWeek not to censor the original content of Harper’s Weekly, even if it contains language or caricatures that may offend today’s viewers. To understand why, please read his essay A Note on the Word "Nigger."
Please see our biographical sketch of Randall Kennedy for more insight into his professional background.

A new era in American journalism dawned in the 1850s with the advent of magazines and newspapers that combined general-interest content, lavish illustration, and a national subscription base. In June 1850 the publishing firm of Harper Brothers ventured into the periodical trade with Harper’s New Monthly Magazine, which soon outpaced its rivals. The Harpers followed that success with the inauguration of a weekly newspaper, appropriately christened Harper’s Weekly, on January 3, 1857.
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For over a quarter of a century Harper’s Weekly captured the lion’s share of the national newspaper audience. It reached 120,000 subscribers by the late 1850s, compared with a circulation of 2,400 for the average weekly newspaper, and it had an estimated five readers for every subscription. Its influence grew steadily, reaching the height of its popularity in 1871 when it drew over 300,000 subscribers during its battle with the corrupt Tweed political ring of New York City. In an age before radio, television, and the Internet, print publications ruled the news business and Harper’s Weekly was king.
Yet that numerical strength, in the context of escalating sectional animosity over slavery, inhibited the newspaper’s coverage and undermined the potentially unifying character of a nationwide audience. Before the Civil War, the editorial practice of Harper’s Weekly was to avoid discussion of the divisive issue of slavery whenever possible, and to calm anxiety and tempers when compelled to confront it. That editorial inclination was grounded in both the conservative political principles of the Harper family and their financial self-interest not to alienate readers in any area of the country. When the editors did speak directly on the subject of slavery, they consistently blamed sectional tensions on small but vocal groups of extremists on both sides—Northern abolitionists and Southern secessionists.
Despite the pacifying tendencies of the Harpers’ editorial policy, readers will still find interesting material on the treatment of blacks and slavery from the early issues of Harper’s Weekly. The Dred Scott case, the slave trade, abolitionism, and John Brown’s raid are among the important topics reported in the journal. In fact, Harper’s Weekly was able to give the most complete coverage of any publication to the Harper’s Ferry raid through its privileged access to the imprisoned Brown and his co-conspirators. Besides news and feature articles, the paper’s humor column, cartoons, and advertisements demonstrate how slavery pervaded the popular culture.
Once the Civil War began, Harper’s Weekly took a firm Unionist stance and was increasingly supportive of emancipation and black civil rights. Overall, there is a significant and noticeable change in the tenor of the publication from cautious conservatism to the sustained advocacy of reform. That remarkable transition was due primarily to George William Curtis, who wrote the newspaper’s editorials from December 26, 1863, until July 9, 1892. As a prolific writer and lecturer, Curtis was an influential voice for numerous reforms, including abolitionism, black civil rights, women’s rights, civil service reform, and environmental conservation.
Also responsible for the changed direction of Harper’s Weekly was Thomas Nast, one of the most well-known and seminal political cartoonists in American history. He became a steady contributor to the newspaper in the late summer of 1862. Many of Nast’s masterly cartoons, including powerful images of racial injustice, remain among the most widely republished political prints today. They provide 21st-century viewers keen insight into the national concerns and clashes of the Civil War-Reconstruction era. Together, Curtis and Nast were a potent force agitating for the equal rights of black Americans, and castigating the prejudice and violence perpetrated against them.
In addition to the aforementioned materials on slavery, the items on this site from the time of the Civil War and Reconstruction cover a range of subjects and formats. Among the topics are the emancipation of the slaves, their military service during the Civil War, and the violent backlash those policies engendered, as well as the freedpeople’s post-war struggle for basic civil rights, economic liberties, and freedom from hatred and harm. Different types of material are presented to show the rich variety of Harper’s Weekly: editorials, news stories, news briefs, cartoons, illustrations, advertisements, verse, and a fictional short story (up to one-third of each issue was devoted to literature). Finally, Eric Rothschild, whose innovative teaching methods have earned him national recognition, has developed a fun and instructional Reconstruction simulation game for classroom use.
Please read Randall Kennedy's essay  A Note on the Word "Nigger"
 

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